Suchergebnisse

In 2008, the Central European and South Eastern European (CEE/SEE) region was hit by the global financial and economic crisis in the time when it has just begun recovering from the shocks of the transition reforms. This study assesses the impact of the crisis on the human development trends and examines the national emergency policy measures from human rights and gender perspective. The author argues that the governmental responses to the crisis in all CEE/SEE countries have been focused on saving of the banking system and big capital and socializing of risk for wealthy while privatizing of risk for the majority. The tremendous debt which the states have accumulated for the rescue of banks and industries have contributed to further cuts in social expenses and to privatization of public services. Both the national responses to the global crisis and the international assistance to the CEE/SEE present gender-unaware and business-as-usual approaches, including a further deregulation and liberalisation of markets and trade as solutions to dilute the crisis. Social sustainability, empowering vulnerable groups and ensuring equal access to social services have been out of the attention of the policy makers. The lack of the reference to a state's obligation to protect and fulfil economic and social rights suggests that they are seen derogable in the times of crisis. The reverse effects of the national anti-crisis responses to the enjoyment of the basic human rights should be an important lesson learnt for future.

The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project "Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia" financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.

Posedovanje vatrenog oružja, bilo da je ono u legalnom ili nelegalnom posedu, predstavlja faktor rizika za nasilje u porodici, posebno za teže oblike nasilja, uključujući femicid. Rad ima za cilj da ukaže na rodnu dimenziju zloupotrebe vatrenog oružja u porodično-partnerskom kontekstu i neophodnost međusobnog usaglašavanja pozitivnih propisa i politika u cilju efikasnijeg suzbijanja i sprečavanja nasilja u porodici zloupotrebom vatrenog oružja. Rad se zasniva na triangulaciji podataka prikupljenih iz različitih izvora, uključujući dosadašnja istraživanja, podatke koje beleže i evidentiraju državni organi u vezi sa zloupotrebom vatrenog oružja u porodično-partnerskom kontekstu, pozitivnopravne propise i javne politike relevantne za suzbijanje i reagovanje u slučaju nasilja u porodičnom i partnerskom kontekstu upotrebom vatrenog oružja. Istraživanja pokazuju da prisustvo vatrenog oružja povećava za pet do devet puta rizik od smrtnog ishoda u slučajevima porodičnog nasilja. Većina žrtava porodičnih ubistava zloupotrebom vatrenog oružja su žene. One su u najvećem broju slučajeva žrtve svojih partnera. I pored toga što je država unapredila pravni i strateški okvir za sprečavanje nasilja u porodici, broj slučajeva oružanog nasilja u porodičnom kontekstu ostaje stabilan. Takođe, broj žena ubijenih u porodično-partnerskom kontekstu na godišnjem nivou u Srbiji je na sličnom nivou, bez većih oscilacija. Sve to upućuje na zaključak da je neophodno unaprediti delotvornost regulative i politika u ovoj oblasti.

Abstract. The aim of this article to identify and highlight limitations and challenges of the legal regulation of the use of facial recognition technology for surveillance purposes. The UN and the EU are seeking to develop robust human rights safeguards to regulate such practices, whereas civil society calls for a complete ban on it use for mass surveillance. The type of this technology makes it difficult to impose legal and democratic control over its lawful use and to prevent abuse. We conclude that the regulation of this area, no matter how restrictive, amounts to tacit approval of the mass use of this type of technology that opens the door to various ways of abusing human rights and freedoms, and whose justification from the perspective of the public interest is questionable.
Keywords: video surveillance, facial recognition technology, right to privacy, protection of personal data, Clearview AI

Abstract. The neoliberal approach taken to the transition from socialism to capitalism in the six former Yugoslav republics has revealed its weaknesses in all spheres of economic activities, including food production. These countries have lost sovereignty with respect to regulating important national policy areas like food trade and production. Liberalisation of the food trade has adversely affected national economies by destroying many small-scale farmers and food producers. Corporate supermarkets have been taking over an ever bigger slice of the retail pie. Social movements are calling for direct democratic control over resources and food production to be regained. The article examines the prospects of these countries to overcome the increasing food insecurity by introducing food sovereignty. Keywords: former Yugoslav republics, food sovereignty, food security, right to food, economic democracy, trade liberalisation

The neoliberal approach taken to the transition from socialism to capitalism in the six former Yugoslav republics has revealed its weaknesses in all spheres of economic activities, including food production. These countries have lost sovereignty with respect to regulating important national policy areas like food trade and production. Liberalisation of the food trade has adversely affected national economies by destroying many small-scale farmers and food producers. Corporate supermarkets have been taking over an ever bigger slice of the retail pie. Social movements are calling for direct democratic control over resources and food production to be regained. The article examines the prospects of these countries to overcome the increasing food insecurity by introducing food sovereignty.

The paper discusses the growing literature on the interrelations between neoliberal policy and rising inequalities in the European Union, and their impact to the growing social movements. The analysis shows that inequalities within the EU member states and between them are the results of the current EU policy due to fostering marketization, trade liberalization, privatization and financialization at the expense of social, economic and political rights of the majority. This trend has induced social movements to campaign and advocate for social changes. These civil society networks share same position in demanding transformation of the current 'market Europe' into 'social Europe'. Their proposals to counter economic difficulties are based on introducing transformative economies that 'works for people'. They advocate for alternative economic models, prioritizing socioeconomic justice, gender justice, tax justice, food justice and environmental justice. Thus, their position is far from populist 'radical right'. The analysis also shows that these social movement networks may constitute corrective to democracy.